US Limits F-35 Sale to Saudi Arabia to Protect “Israel’s” Regional Military Advantage

By Staff, Agencies

The F-35 fighter jets that the US intends to sell to Saudi Arabia will be delivered in a downgraded configuration, preserving “Israel’s” superior military edge in the region, according to US officials and defense analysts.

Although President Donald Trump announced the deal this week, officials clarified that the Saudi-bound aircraft will not include the most advanced systems present on “Israel’s” fleet—such as enhanced weapons packages and cutting-edge electronic warfare capabilities.

“Israel” benefits from unique permissions that allow it to modify its own F-35s, integrate domestic weapons systems, and install radar-jamming technologies without needing US approval. Saudi Arabia, by contrast, will receive a restricted version designed explicitly to maintain “Israel’s” qualitative military edge [QME], a policy enshrined in US law.

Despite these safeguards in “Israel’s” favor, the “Israeli” Air Force still expressed opposition to the deal. In a position paper submitted to political leaders, it warned that any F-35 sale to Riyadh could erode “Israel’s” air superiority in the region, as reported by The Times of Israel.

Even with the purchase, analysts note that Saudi Arabia will almost certainly be denied access to the AIM-260 Joint Advanced Tactical Missile [JATM]—a next-generation air-to-air weapon being developed for fifth-generation fighters. Douglas Birkey of the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies said the missile, which has a range exceeding 120 miles, represents the most sensitive armament associated with the F-35 program and would likely be restricted to “Israel.”

The F-35 platform is custom-tailored to each purchasing country. The US retains the most advanced variant, while all other nations—including close partners—receive downgraded versions. Washington can ensure that the Saudi jets, produced by Lockheed Martin, remain technologically inferior to “Israel’s” aircraft simply through software permissions and systems access.

Beyond qualitative differences, “Israel” also maintains a numerical advantage. It currently operates two full squadrons of F-35s, with a third on the way. Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, would be capped at two squadrons, which are not expected to be delivered for several years. “Israel” also has nearly a decade of operational experience with the F-35 platform, further widening the gap.

US officials stated that a formal QME review will be required before the sale proceeds, and Congress must approve any agreement with Saudi Arabia. Some officials hinted that “Israel’s” influential support network in Congress could impede approval of the sale, reflecting the political realities in Washington.

Officials also emphasized that “Israel” wants to bring Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accords and avoid tensions with Trump—suggesting that even regional normalization is shaped by Washington’s commitment to safeguarding “Israel’s” superiority.

Any congressional attempt to block the deal would require a veto-proof two-thirds majority in both chambers, a difficult threshold.

If approved, the sale would bring Saudi Arabia on par with Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, which were also offered F-35s—though those agreements remain stalled due to disputes over delivery timelines, capability restrictions, and concerns about possible Chinese access to sensitive US technology.