Translated by Al-Ahed News, Hezbollah Media Relations

The speech of Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sheikh Naim Qassem on Martyr’s Day at the Sayyed Al-Shuhada [AS] Complex on Tuesday, 11 November 2025

In the Name of Allah, the Most Compassionate, the Most Merciful.

All praise is due to God, Lord of the worlds, and peace and blessings be upon the noblest of creation—our master, beloved, and leader, Abu al-Qasim Muhammad—and upon his pure and immaculate household, his righteous and chosen companions, and all prophets and the pious until the Day of Judgment.

Peace, mercy, and blessings of God be upon you all.

We commemorate Hezbollah’s Martyr’s Day, this great day inaugurated by the pioneer of martyrdom operations, Martyr Ahmad Qassir.

On this day, celebrations are held across Lebanon. We have chosen to gather people in eleven locations across different Lebanese regions:

- at the Sayyed Al-Shuhada Complex in the southern suburbs [Dahiyeh],

- at Sayyeda Khawla husayniyya in Baalbek,

- at the Sayyed al-Shuhada Complex in Hermel,

- at the Muhaqqiq Al-Karaki Complex in the town of Karak,

- at the Imam Ali [AS] Complex in Maaysrah, Keserwan,

- at the Shrine of Sayyed Al-Hashimi in Deir Qanoun Al-Nahr,

- at the Martyrs of Haris Complex,

- at the Martyred Leader Mohammad Bjaiji Complex in Mashghara,

- at the Husayniyya Hall in the city of Nabatieh,

- at the Imam al-Mahdi Complex in Ghaziyeh,

- at the Husayniyya Hall in the town of Kfarreman.

This large gathering, along with everyone joining us via the screen, is held to mark Martyr’s Day. In reality, this is not merely a commemoration, it is life itself. The martyrs are alive with their Lord, receiving sustenance. Yes, they are alive, but you do not perceive it. This is the martyr — and these are our martyrs.

The most fitting way to mark this great day is with the words of the Sayyed of the Nation’s Martyrs, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah — the leader of this path, its inspiration, and the one who shaped its generations. He said, “When we are martyred, we prevail.”

So we are not dealing with people who left us and disappeared. We are standing before fighters who fulfilled their duty and continue on —continuing through their path, continuing through their blood, continuing through what they left in our lives so that we may remain dignified, so that we may carry the banner high and proud.

A martyr does not accept the path of humiliation. A martyr does not accept a life of disgrace. A martyr accepts nothing except to live — even in martyrdom — with honor, dignity, independence, and freedom, confronting the enemy with unwavering pride and deep faith.

Why did we choose this day — the day Martyr Ahmad Qassir was martyred on 11-11-1982?

Forty-three years have now passed. We chose this day because the model of Martyr Ahmad Qassir, may God’s mercy be upon him, is an exceptional one. In reality, he stands as a symbol for all those who were martyred, and for all those who continue on the path of martyrdom.

Martyr Ahmad Qassir was 19 years old. He made his decision, contacted the brothers. The operation under the supervision of Hajj Imad Mughniyeh, may God’s mercy be upon him, and Hajj Abu Al-Fadl, may God’s mercy be upon him, along with others, they prepared the vehicle for him.

He drove a car laden with explosives to the eight-story headquarters of the “Israeli” military governor in order to detonate himself — an expression of rejecting the occupation, expelling the occupier, and inflicting harm upon it so that it would leave our land and so we could live with dignity on this soil.

Martyr Ahmad Qassir offered his own life and body, but his spirit remained, because the principles he sought to instill in the nation took root and became a natural course.

Martyr Ahmad Qassir taught us with his blood, nurtured us through his sacrifice, and traced for us the path that leads to God Almighty — the path to a life of dignity, to liberation, to honor on our land, and to claiming our rightful place.

This martyr set out in his car. Martyr Ahmad Qassir was able to inflict massive losses: the eight floors collapsed to the ground, and those inside were killed or wounded — 76 dead and 118 injured. This was the immediate outcome.

But the indirect outcome was that he shook the morale of the “Israeli” entity and opened the path toward “Israel’s” withdrawal from Lebanon — forcing this enemy to leave humiliated and disgraced, carrying with it the failure of its presence on our sacred land.

When we commemorate this martyr, we also commemorate all of Hezbollah’s martyrs, because we dedicated this day as a celebration for all of them.

All of them walked this path. All of them are martyrs — whether they carried out martyrdom operations with explosive-laden vehicles, served on the front lines, were killed while moving between positions, or fell in any place where confrontation with the “Israeli” enemy occurred.

God the Exalted said: “And those who are martyred in the cause of Allah,1 He will never render their deeds void. He will guide them [to their reward], improve their condition, and admit them into Paradise, having made it known to them.” [Muhammad, 4-6]

And He also said: “O believers! If you stand up for Allah, He will help you and make your steps firm.” [Muhammad, 7]

This path is the path drawn by Martyr Sheikh Ragheb Harb, may God’s mercy be upon him; by Sayyed Abbas Al-Moussawi, may God’s mercy be upon him; by the Sayyed of the Nation’s Martyrs, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, may God’s mercy be upon him; by the Hashemite Sayyed, may God’s mercy be upon him; by Hajj Imad Mughniyeh, may God’s mercy be upon him; and by all the righteous martyrs who offered themselves on this journey and made sacrifices on this path.

Martyr’s Day is the day of the families who embraced the martyr. It is the day of everyone who was killed or passed away in the path of God Almighty, on this course and on this line—whether they were members, supporters, followers, sympathizers, or civilians who surround this movement, support it, and stand with it. All of them occupy an honored place.

Today, we speak of a martyr whose four brothers were also martyred after him: Ahmad, Musa, Rabih and Muhammad — meaning Hajj Majed and Hassan Abu Zaynab. In total, five—the first of them was Ahmad, and the last was Martyr Majed. All of them were killed in the path of God Almighty, as an expression of this journey.

This family, the family of Martyr Ahmad, is a model of our families, a model of our society, a model of the sacrifices made on the path of martyrdom.

Some might say: “You place too much emphasis on martyrdom and the martyr, and you call for martyrdom.”

My brother, martyrdom is life, while death in in God Almighty’s hand alone. No one should imagine that when a young man goes into battle or stands as a fighting mujahid, he is somehow bringing death closer. Never.

“When their time arrives, they can neither delay it for a moment, nor could they advance it.” [Al-Araf, 34]

Death does not come closer through jihad, nor does it grow distant through jihad. It does not come closer through cowardice, nor does it grow distant through cowardice. Death is from God Almighty, with its fixed time.

But the real question is: How will you go to your Lord, and to your appointed end? Will you go with your head held high, during the lifetime that God Almighty has granted you, O human being—or not?

If this is who you are, and you go with your head held high, it means you are ready for martyrdom. Your readiness is a choice of life. Your readiness is resistance—resistance to disbelief, to deviation, to occupation, and to aggression.

Your martyrdom comes as a natural result of the arrival of your appointed time. But what matters is the path: How did you reach God Almighty? The Messenger of God, peace be upon him and his family, said: “The most noble form of death is martyrdom.”

These martyrs traversed every path so that they may dwell in our hearts, in our lives, and in our future. Our Imam Ali, peace be upon him, said: “They carried their insight upon their swords, and submitted to their Lord according to the command of their guide.”

Our Imam Khomeini, may God sanctify his noble soul, said about Karbala: “It is the day when blood triumphed over the sword—the day when blood prevailed over the sword.”

Even Martyr Ahmad Qassir went forth filled with conviction, faith, and spirit. It is reported that he said: “Who says we cannot? With reliance on God, we are able. I will show you what I will do to them.”

Yes, Ahmad, we saw what you did to them; and we saw your brothers who followed your path. May God have mercy on Martyr Ahmad and on all the righteous martyrs, and on all those who passed away on this path and worked to raise the banner of resistance, liberation, jihad, dignity, and honor.

To the souls of all of them, we offer the reward of the blessed Surah Al-Fatiha, with prayers upon Muhammad and the family of Muhammad.

I will speak about several points that are in harmony with this occasion.

First: What is the reality we are living today?

We need to go back to 1982 to understand the reality we live in now. In 1982, “Israel” entered Lebanon aiming to reach the Awali River, near Sidon, to stop the launch of Katyusha rockets toward northern occupied Palestine. But it continued further. It besieged Beirut, then went on to expel the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Palestinians from Lebanon.

Then it continued further, and the Sabra and Shatila massacres were carried out by its Lebanese collaborators under the supervision of Sharon. Then it continued, remaining in occupation and refusing to withdraw. It became clear that the goal was not to stop rocket fire from southern Lebanon toward northern Palestine; the goal was occupation, entrenchment in Lebanon, and the establishment of settlements in southern Lebanon. This is what became evident. Otherwise, what does it mean that “Israel” remained in occupation from 1982 until 2000?

And what does it mean that when it occupied in 1978—four years before the invasion—it established the so-called “Free Lebanon State” through the now-deceased Major Saad Haddad?

In April 1979, a year after the first invasion, they created the so-called “Free Lebanon State.” They later realized that the name “Free Lebanon State” suggested division, which was not desirable, so they changed the name to the “Free Lebanon Army.” About a year later, and then in 1984, they renamed it the “South Lebanon Army.”

Why did they always include the name “Lebanon”? To give the illusion that this was an internal Lebanese matter—that some Lebanese wanted a piece of land there. But in reality, the supervision was “Israeli”, the support was “Israeli”, the funding was “Israeli”, and the orders were “Israeli”. The occupation remained firmly established on Lebanese soil, overseeing this particular area while occupying the entire region up to the outskirts of Beirut.

“Israel” withdrew in 1985, three years after 1982, due to the resistance’s attacks, but it remained settled in the border strip, an area of roughly 1,000 square kilometers. It continued to occupy this area for some time until it was finally driven out humiliated in 2000 by the resistance’s strikes.

They opened the path: Ahmad Qassir and those like him. It was the self-sacrificing fighters who worked to drive them out. They often told us: “The eye cannot resist the bullet”, trying to discourage our determination. We told them: “But ‘Israel’ is an occupier.”

They said: “Let it occupy, but we cannot confront ‘Israel’; it is strong, supported by the world, supported by America.”

But the resistant fighters refused to back down, even under the most difficult and complex circumstances. They offered sacrifices, struggle and devotion to the cause.

Hezbollah was founded on the idea of jihad, on morale, dignity, the liberation of the land, Lebanon’s honor, and support for Palestine—all of these are noble and radiant principles.

But those who sought to weaken our resolve always told us: “You cannot. You have no capability.”

Well, it turned out that those who seemed weak in material means—with limited resources—possessed a strength that the corrupt, the tyrannical, the criminal, and the aggressor do not have.

What is the strength that these mujahideen possess? It is the strength of faith and willpower. This is the fundamental power—the force that can turn a bomb into multiple bombs, a rifle into tremendous capability, a machine gun into extraordinary impact, and a cry of “Allahu Akbar” into a shockwave that shakes the “Israelis”, causing them to collapse in the face of this confrontation.

This is the true power that drove “Israel” out in 2000, 18 years after the 1982 invasion, or 22 years after the 1978 invasion. “Israel” did not leave through negotiations or politics. It tried to impose negotiations and agreements in its favor, such as the May 17 Agreement, but it failed. The result? “Israel” withdrew unconditionally and without restriction.

From 2000 to 2023, we have maintained a deterrent against “Israel”, thanks to the existence of the resistance, the strength of our will, and the solid unity between the resistance, the army, and the people within a strong system of confrontation.

From 1982 to 2024, 42 years, starting with the Battle of the Mighty [Uli Al-Baas Battle], “Israel” was prevented from achieving its expansionist ambitions. It could neither expand further nor maintain what it had previously occupied. It left our land humiliated. Those 42 years included the Battle of the Mighty [Uli Al-Baas Battle], a battle marked by tremendous sacrifices.

We offered the Sayyed of the Nation’s Martyrs, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, the Hashemite Sayyed, the finest of martyr leaders, the best of the mujahideen, and the bravest civilians, including men, women, and children. Yet despite all this, “Israel” was unable to achieve its objectives.

This battle—the Battle of the Mighty [Uli Al-Baas Battle]—stood as a barrier against the “Israeli” invasion, which ground to a halt at specific lines in South Lebanon. It could advance no further. The fighters, with their extraordinary bravery, stopped 75,000 “Israeli” soldiers and officers on the outskirts of the front-line villages. The occupation forces advanced only a few meters—at most a few hundred—before being unable to push any further.

All of this was achieved by God’s grace, and by the resistance of those mujahideen and self-sacrificing fighters who fear none but God and who offered their very lives to Him.

Then came the agreement on 27 November 2024. The agreement stipulates a ceasefire and an “Israeli” withdrawal from south of the Litani River, along with the deployment of the Lebanese Army in that area. It also states that no armed presence other than the Lebanese Army—responsible for security there—may exist.

In essence, the agreement affirms this outcome: “Israel” must withdraw from South Lebanon, south of the Litani, and the Lebanese Army must take position there. For Hezbollah, the agreement carries a price that the Resistance considers acceptable, because that price is the deployment of the Lebanese Army—our own people—who will be present on the land in place of the Resistance. For us, this is no loss. We hope the Army remains firmly on the ground, confronts the “Israeli” enemy if it advances, resists it when it attacks, forces it off our land, and defends the homeland.

To those who say, “According to the agreement, you are no longer armed south of the Litani River,” this is true. But those who are present there are our own sons—the Lebanese Army. They are the children of our nation. And with the Army present, we are not losing; we are in fact gaining.

We are winners in this agreement, because the state has declared its readiness to assume the responsibility that the resistance carried alone for 42 years. For 42 years, the resistance stood in for the state, the government, the army, and all Lebanese citizens wherever they lived. What the resistance undertook was an immense sacrifice on behalf of everyone—not as a favor, but as a duty we believe God enabled us to fulfill. We rose to defend this country, and we always hope that anyone capable of defending Lebanon will be at the front lines, with our hand in theirs. We support them, stand with them, and back them.

By contrast, “Israel” lost through this agreement. It withdrew—and according to the agreement, must continue to withdraw—without gaining the spoils of its aggression. This is clear: it must pull out, and that withdrawal is an acceptable gain for us.

This brings us to the second point: Why has “Israel” failed to carry out its obligations? Or rather, why has America failed to carry out its obligations through “Israel’s” hand?

The reason is clear—indeed, the reasons are many.

First: Because if “Israel” withdraws, Lebanon regains its sovereignty, freedom, and dignity.

Second: A full year has passed, and despite all of “Israel’s” violations and attacks, it has failed to drag the resistance—or Lebanon—into any exchange of fire that could give “Israel” a pretext to claim the agreement was breached. Throughout this period, security in the settlements remained normal, and “Israel” cannot claim its safety was threatened.

Third: Because “Israel” wants to interfere in Lebanon’s future. What “Israel” and America are doing today is not about protecting “Israel’s” security or ensuring the agreement is implemented. In truth, they are intervening in Lebanon’s future—its army, its economy, its politics, its regional role.

Naturally, America, through “Israel”, wants to eliminate Lebanon’s resistant capability and arm the Lebanese Army only to the extent that it can confront Hezbollah—meaning: the army must not be capable of downing a single aircraft, nor of firing a single missile at the “Israeli” enemy.

In other words, they want to strip Lebanon of its defensive capacity and leave it exposed before “Israel”. This is the obstacle preventing “Israel” and America from carrying out their obligations under the agreement.

Here I want to ask: Why are they doing this?

They are applying pressure because they believe the agreement grants Lebanon gains, and that if “Israel” withdraws under this agreement, Lebanon will still hold cards of strength that enable it to defend itself and its dignity.

From this standpoint, they pressure the government to offer concessions without any return and without any guarantees—fueling internal discord—while giving “Israel” complete freedom to remain in occupation and to attack whenever it wishes. And this is the current reality: “Israel” occupies all of Lebanon with its airpower and its aggression, under American supervision.

This is the picture. “Israel” does not want to withdraw, because it wants to control Lebanon politically, economically, socially, financially, and geographically. It wants Lebanon to serve as a backyard for expanding settlements, as part of the project of Greater “Israel”.

Unfortunately, our Lebanese government found nothing in the ministerial statement except the phrase “exclusive control over weapons,” claiming that this exclusivity is meant to remove pretexts from the “Israeli” enemy.

My friends, the excuse of disarming Hezbollah is no longer valid. Now they’ve come up with a new pretext: Hezbollah is rebuilding its capabilities, it is rearming; they must not be allowed to regain strength. When that doesn’t work, they invent something else: Hezbollah is receiving funding, Hezbollah has money, and money gives it power.

So one day it’s the excuse of disarmament, another day it’s the excuse of restored capability, and the next it’s the excuse of financial support. And soon they will say the real excuse is the very existence of this community, this society, these children who will grow up one day.

Their problem is with our very existence, not with the shifting pretexts they keep manufacturing. These excuses will never end. Let me ask a question: when people argue, they usually rely on real, concrete evidence. Which claim is stronger, and which side actually has the right?

“Israel” argues that its future security is at risk, while in reality it currently enjoys full security and continues to carry out attacks, with its existing military capabilities ensuring long-term protection. On the other hand, Lebanon and the entire region are facing daily criminal aggression—daily attacks that leave martyrs, destruction, and direct assaults. How many civilians have been killed? How are these horrific acts taking place today?

Today, “Israeli” forces are killing civilians on the move and in their homes, destroying houses, uprooting land, preventing residents from returning, and extinguishing life in the border strip adjacent to occupied Palestine.

According to the Ministry of Health, there have been 303 martyrs since the agreement until now—roughly one full year—in addition to 917 wounded, among them children, men, women, and resistance fighters. So what do they call this?

If UNIFIL spokesperson Dany Ghafari says there have been 7,000 “Israeli” aerial violations so far, and 2,400 activities north of the Blue Line since the ceasefire—while the United Nations has not recorded a single Hezbollah activity in the UN area of operations—then what more do they want?

A full year has passed: thousands of “Israeli” violations, hundreds of “Israeli” attacks, hundreds of martyrs, hundreds of wounded—and yet someone still comes out and says, “We have a problem here in Lebanon.”

No. The problem is with “Israel”.

I will move to the third point:

I will not, in this gathering, debate the servants of “Israel” because even if you light ten lamps for them, they will not see. They lack insight entirely. I will not debate the servants of “Israel”. And who are the servants of “Israel”? So that we do not wrong anyone: they are those who do not defend their own citizens, who do not condemn “Israel’s” aggression, and who help apply pressure to fulfill American-“Israeli” demands.

So tomorrow no one should say, “He accused this group or that group.” No. Whoever possesses these traits—and thankfully, most Lebanese do not—let each person examine themselves by practical criteria.

Our message is directed to people of conscience, to those with a living national sense, whom we hope can be awakened if they have grown inattentive for one reason or another. We ask a simple question: Why doesn’t the Lebanese government include a plan to restore national sovereignty in its agenda? Why doesn’t it set a timetable and demand a monthly report from the army and relevant agencies: “Where do we stand in restoring national sovereignty?” And why doesn’t it adopt a program to reject American dictates and refuse to bend to them?

My friends, America’s project is one of occupation, expansion, and aggression. America uses “Israel” as its tool. When we speak of “Israeli” aggression, it is in truth an American-“Israeli” aggression. When America comes to Lebanon with demands, it is in fact trying to impose its will, using “Israeli” pressure to force its objectives. And when the Americans speak of “financial restrictions” or “drying up sources”? What do they have to do with our social affairs—with institutions like Al-Qard Al-Hasan and the services offered to the people? They still want to interfere in our internal affairs.

The government must act on the basis of protecting its citizens, safeguarding the social fabric, and fulfilling its responsibilities in reconstruction, development, and guaranteeing people’s rights. It is not the role of the Lebanese government to listen to American dictates and rush to implement them.

If we want to measure whether this government has succeeded or failed, then they must present a report: What have they done to restore sovereignty? What have they done on reconstruction? Instead of distracting themselves with matters in which they can achieve no real results.

It’s obvious; the Americans are clear. Barrack stated openly that the goal is to arm the Lebanese Army so it can fight its own resistant population. They say it publicly. How can you accept this? You must not accept it. What they want is to supervise the dismantling of all military and defensive capabilities across Lebanon, so that “Israel” remains without any deterrent.

I will summarize and move to the fourth point. What is Hezbollah’s position? I will mention Hezbollah’s position in five points.

First: The agreement of 27 November 2024 applies exclusively to the area south of the Litani River. “Israel” must withdraw, halt its aggression, and release the detainees. There is no threat to settlement security. It is the responsibility of the Lebanese state—its government and its institutions—to ensure “Israel’s” withdrawal through all legitimate and available means. They must think creatively about enforcing the agreement from the other side, because Lebanon—with its resistance and its people—has already fulfilled its part.

Second: The South is the responsibility of the state—the government, the people, and the resistance. Lebanon will not find stability as long as “Israeli” aggression and American pressure continue. If the South continues to bleed, that bleeding will reach every part of Lebanon. No one can act as if this is “not our concern.” The South concerns all of Lebanon.

Third: There will be no replacement for the agreement and no absolution of the “Israeli” enemy through a new deal. Entering a new agreement would mean everything has been wiped clean—that all the crimes and violations are forgiven—and that they can move on to new conditions and new demands. No. The existing agreement must be implemented first. Once it is implemented, all internal dialogue among Lebanese can proceed positively and cooperatively, on the basis of Lebanon’s strength, independence, and sovereignty. What the Lebanese agree on is their own affair—no one has the right to interfere.

Fourth: This ongoing pattern of killing and destruction cannot continue. Everything has a limit. I will say no more than that. But those concerned should take heed: there are matters that simply cannot be tolerated indefinitely.

Fifth: We are a living people. The war dealt us heavy blows, but we remain alive, courageous, and resistant. This is what Martyrs’ Day tells us.

A salute to the steadfast families—to the men, women, and children; to the wounded and the prisoners; to all who stood with the mujahideen and the martyrs; to all who raised this banner high and were a powerful, resonant voice under the leadership of the Sayyed of the Nation’s Martyrs, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, may God’s mercy be upon him.

This resistant community is a community that protects the state from external pressures and strengthens its position. Make use of this community. The resistant community closes the security, political, economic, and military gaps in the face of “Israel”. Make use of this community.

Here, I have a question: Is the mass funeral procession of the two martyred Sayyeds a crime? This is who we are. We are in our own country, on our own land, and these are our people—the ones who expressed their loyalty and grief through that immense turnout. Are 75,000 scouts gathered in the Sports City for the great scouting assembly a crime?

These are our children—the next generation of this country, on this land—carrying the banner of ethics, devotion, struggle, righteousness, future, peace, and security. This is not a crime.

Another question: Is the unity between Hezbollah and the Amal Movement a crime? This popular cohesion is one of the pillars on which our country and our land, Lebanon, stand. People should be thinking about how to unite, not condemning existing unity. They tell us: “Don’t say we are recovering.”

Some articles and some individuals advised us: “Don’t say we are recovering, because if you say so, ‘Israel’ will use it as a pretext.” “Israel” is not looking for a pretext; it already has them all. Our very existence is a pretext for it.

We are recovering—through our natural, rightful presence in our country. Our society is alive, strong, and confident in the resistance and in liberation. This is the power of truth. We always say: Our strength lies in faith and willpower. This is not about material capabilities—although those matter too.

They would prefer that our lives not exist at all—that we be erased. This is how we see it: we are facing a real existential threat. And therefore, it is our right to do everything necessary to confront this existential danger.

Record this well: The strength of our resistance comes from our will and our faith. The blood of our martyrs has only increased our power and dignity. The sacrifices of our people have illuminated the path of our pride. Intimidation and pressure will not change our stance. We will defend our land. We will defend our people. We will defend our dignity and honor. We will not surrender. We will not abandon the future of our generations to the arrogant, the criminals, the reckless, or the collaborators. And we will not give up the weapons that grant us this resolve and strength and enable us to defend ourselves.

As the saying goes: “Indeed, the illegitimate son of the illegitimate has placed us between two choices: humiliation or the sword.” And far be it from us to accept humiliation.

Let America and “Israel” despair. We are the sons of Imam Hussein. We are those who prepare the way for the Mahdi, may God hasten his reappearance. We are the people of epic battles in defense, the steadfast people of this land. We have offered our very skulls to God, and no demon will ever control us. We either live with honor, or we die with honor.

“For death in your life as the oppressed is death; and life in your death as the victorious is life,” as Imam Ali, peace be upon him, said.

We are the ones under attack, and we will defend ourselves. Any price is cheaper than the price of surrender, and it opens the path to victory. And yes, we acknowledge: you say we have endured great losses. True. “Israel” is brutal, true. America is tyrannical and overbearing, true. But it is also true that we will not kneel, and we will remain standing.

You have tested us before, in the Battle of the Mighty [Uli Al-Baas Battle]. If you wish to try again, we are ready. But we will not withdraw from the field, and we will defend ourselves with every ounce of strength we possess. And far from us is humiliation!

There are three principles I hope our enemies memorize before our friends do—three principles that reassure us and guide us in this stage:

First: This resistance and its people cannot be defeated.

Second: We are promised one of the two noble outcomes: victory or martyrdom.

Third: This is a time of steadfastness and of shaping the future.

We walk under the shade of these three principles on Martyr’s Day—the day of greatness and sacrifice. Here, we must salute Palestine—Gaza, the West Bank and Al-Quds. We salute the tremendous jihad carried by the Palestinian people and the Palestinian resistance and the great sacrifices offered for liberation.

These heroes have taught the world what it means to stand for their rightful cause for two full years, while the entire global machinery of brutality was unleashed against them, yet “Israel” still failed to achieve its objectives.

We support you, we stand with you, and Palestine will remain our compass. We salute the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has supported us and continues to support us. We salute the Leader, Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei, this guardian who loves the mujahideen, who cherishes human dignity, and who defends the oppressed and defends Palestine. The support Iran has given is truly immense. We salute to the martyr Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Axis of Resistance, who gave everything.

We salute dear Yemen: What are these millions in the streets? What is this endless generosity? What is this leadership, this people, this movement of Ansar Allah—all of them giving, all of them making sacrifices? The military, the security forces, all branches—united as one man. You are, God willing, the vanguard of liberation.

We salute proud Iraq—its religious authority, its people, its Popular Mobilization Units, its government, all its pillars and tribes—for we have truly felt that they have always stood with us, and God willing, we will continue together.

O martyr, you are the beacon of our lives, and we will remain on this path. We are people of martyrdom—in method, in sacrifice, in direction, and in result: “When we are martyred, we triumph.”

May the peace and mercy of God and His blessings be upon you.