The King of America and the King of “Israel”
By Ibrahim al-Amin, Al Akhbar Newspaper
Today’s meeting between US President Donald Trump and “Israeli” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu marks a pivotal moment for our region. While the meeting may appear routine in light of the special relationship between the two sides—whether on the state or personal level—it carries significant implications.
The topics under discussion, however, are far from ordinary. Both parties will be required to make decisive choices to reflect the true alignment of their interests and, consequently, their strategies for the next phase. This meeting is also distinguished by the unique personalities of the two leaders. One is a global madman who behaves as though he is the crowned King of America, even contemplating constitutional amendments to extend his term and perhaps join the “President for Life” club. The other is a criminal who views his involvement in Arab bloodshed as a source of political capital—not only to remain in power but to be crowned King of “Israel” and the savior who will lead it to its ultimate redemption.
Naturally, any serious observer must revisit the sequence of events, decisions, and statements issued by the Trump administration, even prior to his official inauguration in January. These reviews reveal that an “experimental logic” continues to dominate the American mindset, with no coherent strategy upon which long-term projections can be built. Trump’s ideas and intentions remain in a trial phase, and strong indications suggest that several of his plans have already failed. This failure could drive Trump to reconsider many matters, or it might just push him toward further recklessness—especially since his core model revolves around power projection and global bullying. This is evident in his actions in Yemen and potentially elsewhere in the region, as well as in his financial and economic decisions both at home and abroad.
As long as the initiative remains in the hands of the madmen of our era, examining their contradictions may provide insight into the trajectory of the ongoing confrontation across the region.
As for the “King of 'Israel'”, he has become increasingly convinced—after everything his entity has endured since October 7, 2023—that killing is the only way to secure its future. He believes there are no limits to violence, deliberately adopting a strategy of evading accountability both domestically and internationally. Often, he manipulates laws and procedures to tighten his grip on power and advance his personal agenda.
Yet in all scenarios, he is fully aware that October 7 exposed “Israel” to the world, revealing its inability to defend itself without direct support from the United States and former colonial powers. Netanyahu, who sees himself each morning as the most loyal son of Zionist ideology—believing he has surpassed Ben-Gurion and all the founding leaders—still finds himself bound by American calculations. Aware of this, he is racing against time during this “current phase” to consolidate what he views as “‘Israeli’ assets,” whether in confronting Palestinians or the broader Arab and Muslim world.
Our experience as Arabs with the US–“Israeli” alliance over the past two years leaves no room for illusion about any meaningful rift between them. At a fundamental level, both sides see the region’s vast population as a common pool of enemies, and they share a unified strategic direction. However, recent developments have sparked disagreements over methods, objectives, and limits. This has led some observers to speak of a new dynamic between the two parties, suggesting notable gaps in their visions.
Recent visitors to Washington, D.C. report a noticeable shift in discourse compared to three months ago, suggesting that Netanyahu may face significant difficulty convincing Trump to persist with his current policies.
While it remains true that America ultimately prioritizes its own interests—and even as “Israel” seeks to widen the scope of conflict, especially toward Iran—the programs Tel Aviv is pushing may not directly embarrass Washington, but they have begun to create significant problems for other US allies in the region. This could become a turning point.
US officials who have visited several regional countries in recent months have found a general atmosphere that does not align with the US-“Israeli” project, contrary to Tel Aviv’s assertions. Some American officials have even expressed serious concerns that major upheavals could erupt in allied states like Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan—events that could be difficult to contain. This concern is exacerbated by ongoing developments in Syria, which remain far from producing clear outcomes. Meanwhile, shifts in Turkish and Iraqi policies are not fully aligned with Western strategic interests.
Practically speaking, the puzzle is not difficult to solve. The rhetoric coming from the US president and his team offers a clear picture. It won’t be long before the true nature of the current agreements becomes apparent, revealing the direction of key events—particularly regarding the future of Gaza and the West Bank, the course of operations in Lebanon and Syria, the new confrontation threshold in Yemen, and, most importantly, the strategy for confronting Iran.
On our side, there are no expectations of dramatic change. Accordingly, those concerned are acting with worst-case scenarios in mind, and the engines of war readiness are running in every direction. This reality is not lost on America’s Gulf allies. Yet as long as the initiative remains with the enemy and its American backer, we have no choice but to wait and see what their next move will be. Meanwhile, those who must act are busy laying down strategies to ensure they are not caught off guard.
