What If Arabs Chose to End Gaza’s Famine Today?

By Youssef Al-Rayyes

The people of Gaza wake each day to confront the oppression of the "Israeli" enemy, whose criminal tools only continue to multiply—the latest of which is systematic starvation aimed at subjugating the Strip.

According to UNICEF, Gaza’s population of two million suffers from severe food insecurity: one in every three people has gone days without food, and 80% of hunger-related deaths are among children.

Numerous international organizations, led by the United Nations World Food Program [WFP], have called for urgent action to end Gaza’s famine. Perhaps the clearest admission of this crime came from US President Donald Trump himself: “There is a real famine in Gaza”.

Despite the “Israeli” occupation entity’s claim that it allows aid to be airdropped, UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Tom Fletcher stated that what has reached Gaza so far is nothing more than a “drop in the ocean” compared to the needs on the ground.

Amid this humanitarian tragedy, the Arab world remains absent—both in words and deeds—when it comes to supporting Gaza’s children. So, what avenues are available to help Gaza?

Legal Approach

Starvation in war is legally classified as a war crime. While no binding mechanism forces states to comply with international law, blatant violations expose governments and their decision-makers to immense global pressure. Legal avenues can be pursued either by Palestinian legal bodies or by states willing to initiate such cases. Yet, not a single Arab state has taken the lead.

International law is explicit: Article 54, Paragraph 2 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions prohibits starvation tactics, stating: “It is prohibited to attack, destroy, remove or render useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, such as foodstuffs, agricultural areas, crops, and livestock.” Similarly, Article 8(2)(b)(xxv) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court classifies starvation as a war crime when used deliberately as a method of warfare. The legal framework exists—yet no Arab country has chosen to employ it in support of the Palestinians.

Political-Diplomatic Approach

Having failed to break Palestinian resistance through sheer military force, the “Israeli” enemy has turned to the policy of starving Gaza’s population. The occupation entity employs this internationally banned war crime to serve political and expansionist goals, which underscores the urgent need for diplomacy in addressing the crisis.

Nevertheless, Arab foreign ministers have shown no initiative, nor have they communicated with leaders of pro-“Israeli” states to demand an end to the policy of starvation. Reports by international organizations have already laid bare the catastrophe, providing credible, impartial tools for diplomatic pressure—whether through collective committees or initiatives by individual states.

Even Arab societies have largely failed to pressure their governments. Protests demanding the lifting of the siege have been far more frequent in Western capitals than in the Arab world, where demonstrations were limited to Yemen, Morocco, Tunisia, and Jordan. Ironically, “Israeli” settlers themselves have called for an end to the famine in Gaza, while most Arab capitals have remained silent.

Economic Approach

Arab states hold enormous economic leverage over “Israel” that could be used through a broad range of tools.

First, states with direct ties to the occupation—such as the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, Egypt, and Jordan—could threaten to suspend or revise trade agreements unless the blockade on Gaza is lifted and aid crossings are permanently opened. Regionally influential states like Saudi Arabia could also use their oil and political weight to indirectly shift the positions of major powers.

Second, targeting “Israel’s” main economic partners could prove effective, given its reliance on trade with the European Union, the US, and South Korea. Arab countries, either collectively or bilaterally, could push these partners to condition continued cooperation with “Israel” on tangible steps toward ending Gaza’s famine, or at the very least, allowing sustained humanitarian access.

Third, popular and official boycotts could be revived—focusing on “Israeli” goods as well as products made by companies directly complicit in the occupation, particularly in settlements.

Fourth, international corporations dealing with “Israel”—such as PUMA, HP, Caterpillar and others—could be pressured through coordinated media and legal campaigns demanding their withdrawal from “Israeli” projects tied to occupation policies.

Finally, trade with the occupation could be blocked altogether—either partially or fully—through import bans or the suspension of trade agreements, reinforced by unified Arab legislation restricting dealings with the occupation or with companies facilitating its crimes.

If pursued collectively on a pan-Arab scale, such an integrated strategy could yield real political and economic results, placing pressure on “Israel” and mitigating Gaza’s humanitarian catastrophe.

According to the World Food Program, enough food is already stored or en route to feed Gaza’s 2.1 million residents for three months. However, without a ceasefire and sustained access, the current efforts remain far below the urgent needs.

Gaza continues to face genocide, yet no practical or effective steps have been taken to change the grim reality of occupation, arrogance and oppression. The children of Gaza are not only victims of “Israeli” crimes but also of Arab inaction.

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